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NOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
1 PURPOSE - FOSSSIL
3 (6) Head Movement Generalization Suppose a head H attracts a feature of XP as part of a movement operation. a. If XP is the complement of H, copy the head of XP into the local domain of H. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACE The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences of CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the RESUPPOSITIONS AND LOCAL CONTEXTS 2 P. Schlenker Depending on the approach, context change is effected through semantic or pragmatic rules. In either case, a clause H evaluated in a context C gives rise to a new context, written as C (‘the update of C with the formula H’).If H is an elementary clause p which has no presupposition, C is always defined, and it is just the set of C-worlds that satisfy p. DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI 2. The Logic of Feature-Splitting 2.1. Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) Feature Inheritance System In this section, we consider Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) feature inheritance system and its predictive ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984.NOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
1 PURPOSE - FOSSSIL
3 (6) Head Movement Generalization Suppose a head H attracts a feature of XP as part of a movement operation. a. If XP is the complement of H, copy the head of XP into the local domain of H. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACE The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences of CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the RESUPPOSITIONS AND LOCAL CONTEXTS 2 P. Schlenker Depending on the approach, context change is effected through semantic or pragmatic rules. In either case, a clause H evaluated in a context C gives rise to a new context, written as C (‘the update of C with the formula H’).If H is an elementary clause p which has no presupposition, C is always defined, and it is just the set of C-worlds that satisfy p. DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI 2. The Logic of Feature-Splitting 2.1. Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) Feature Inheritance System In this section, we consider Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) feature inheritance system and its predictive ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984.1 PURPOSE - FOSSSIL
3 (6) Head Movement Generalization Suppose a head H attracts a feature of XP as part of a movement operation. a. If XP is the complement of H, copy the head of XP into the local domain of H. ESSAYS ANUMITRA LISSIM 6 LISSIM 6. June 1-15, 2012@ Kangra. Selected Essays (Non)veridical Bare Indefinites in Bangla Anumitra Ghosh-Dostidar, DU In a (non)veridical or even in a monotinicity paradigm Bare indefinites in Bangla will be defined as weak NPIs, which means they are non-veridical or downward entailing expressions. REFERENCE TO INDIVIDUALS, PERSON, AND THE VARIETY OF 3 Next, I will use the general term denotation for any type of relation holding in an utterance between an expression (usually a phrase, e.g. an argument or a predicate: the man, a man, every man, no man, men, John, Man) and the entity or entities (individuals or properties, respectively) it stands for in the ontology of the C-Isystem.
ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984. RESUPPOSITIONS AND LOCAL CONTEXTS 2 P. Schlenker Depending on the approach, context change is effected through semantic or pragmatic rules. In either case, a clause H evaluated in a context C gives rise to a new context, written as C (‘the update of C with the formula H’).If H is an elementary clause p which has no presupposition, C is always defined, and it is just the set of C-worlds that satisfy p. DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI 2. The Logic of Feature-Splitting 2.1. Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) Feature Inheritance System In this section, we consider Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) feature inheritance system and its predictive ON DAVIDSONIAN AND KIMIAN STATES 2 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN A basic assumption I am making is that every VP, whatever its internal structure and aspectual characteristics, has an extra argument position for eventualities, in the spirit ofHAGIT BORER USC
1 Exo-skeletal vs. Endo-skeletal Explanations: Syntactic Projections and the Lexicon Hagit Borer USC 1. Introduction Within generative traditions, the dominant approach to the projection of THE VP WITHIN PROCESS NOMINALS: EVIDENCE FROM ADVERBS AND 550 JINGQI FUET AL. (3)a. Sue's exploration of Easter Island was impressive, then Amy's doing so was a real surprise. b. *Sue's trip last May surprised us, Amy's doing so annoyed us. EIDI ARLEY LIZABETH ITTER UNIVERSITYOFARIZONA PERSONANDNUMBERINPRONOUNS:AFEATURE-GEOMETRIC ANALYSIS HEIDI HARLEY ELIZABETH RITTER UniversityofArizona UniversityofCalgaryNOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
THE STRUCTURE OF DPS: SOME PRINCIPLES, PARAMETERS AND PROBLEMS 1 Giuseppe Longobardi The Structure of DPs: some principles, parameters and problems (In M. Baltin & C. Collins (eds.) The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory, Blackwell, DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACE The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences ofHAGIT BORER USC
1 Exo-skeletal vs. Endo-skeletal Explanations: Syntactic Projections and the Lexicon Hagit Borer USC 1. Introduction Within generative traditions, the dominant approach to the projection of ON DAVIDSONIAN AND KIMIAN STATES 2 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN A basic assumption I am making is that every VP, whatever its internal structure and aspectual characteristics, has an extra argument position for eventualities, in the spirit of ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984.NOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
THE STRUCTURE OF DPS: SOME PRINCIPLES, PARAMETERS AND PROBLEMS 1 Giuseppe Longobardi The Structure of DPs: some principles, parameters and problems (In M. Baltin & C. Collins (eds.) The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory, Blackwell, DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACE The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences ofHAGIT BORER USC
1 Exo-skeletal vs. Endo-skeletal Explanations: Syntactic Projections and the Lexicon Hagit Borer USC 1. Introduction Within generative traditions, the dominant approach to the projection of ON DAVIDSONIAN AND KIMIAN STATES 2 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN A basic assumption I am making is that every VP, whatever its internal structure and aspectual characteristics, has an extra argument position for eventualities, in the spirit of ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984. THE STRUCTURE OF DPS: SOME PRINCIPLES, PARAMETERS AND PROBLEMS 1 Giuseppe Longobardi The Structure of DPs: some principles, parameters and problems (In M. Baltin & C. Collins (eds.) The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory, Blackwell,LISSIM 6 - FOSSSIL
FOSSSIL announces the 6th LISSIM to take place in Kangra, June 1st- 15th, 2011. Surrounded by the Dhaula Dhar range of Himalayan mountains, the Summer School venue is ideal for communal living and learning, devoid of the usual distractions of a city, town or even a touristy hill station. The teaching faculty will consist of the following established experts in formal linguistics: REFERENCE TO INDIVIDUALS, PERSON, AND THE VARIETY OF 3 Next, I will use the general term denotation for any type of relation holding in an utterance between an expression (usually a phrase, e.g. an argument or a predicate: the man, a man, every man, no man, men, John, Man) and the entity or entities (individuals or properties, respectively) it stands for in the ontology of the C-Isystem.
RESUPPOSITIONS AND LOCAL CONTEXTS 2 P. Schlenker Depending on the approach, context change is effected through semantic or pragmatic rules. In either case, a clause H evaluated in a context C gives rise to a new context, written as C (‘the update of C with the formula H’).If H is an elementary clause p which has no presupposition, C is always defined, and it is just the set of C-worlds that satisfy p.HAGIT BORER USC
1 Exo-skeletal vs. Endo-skeletal Explanations: Syntactic Projections and the Lexicon Hagit Borer USC 1. Introduction Within generative traditions, the dominant approach to the projection of1. I :R W F
LOCALITY CONSTRAINTS ON THE INTERPRETATION OF ROOTS 739 The root is not an actual ‘word’. It becomes a noun, a verb, or an adjective once it is merged with a ON DAVIDSONIAN AND KIMIAN STATES 2 CLAUDIA MAIENBORN A basic assumption I am making is that every VP, whatever its internal structure and aspectual characteristics, has an extra argument position for eventualities, in the spirit of TEMPORAL ADJECTIVES AND THE STRUCTURE OF POSSESSIVE DPS (2) a. John’s former car b. John formerly had a car. c. John has a former car. Our results support the basic DP analysis, and also clarify the relation between possessive nominals and possessiveclauses.
THE VP WITHIN PROCESS NOMINALS: EVIDENCE FROM ADVERBS AND 550 JINGQI FUET AL. (3)a. Sue's exploration of Easter Island was impressive, then Amy's doing so was a real surprise. b. *Sue's trip last May surprised us, Amy's doing so annoyed us.FOSSSIL.IN
Object Moved This document may be found hereNOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
1 PURPOSE - FOSSSIL
3 (6) Head Movement Generalization Suppose a head H attracts a feature of XP as part of a movement operation. a. If XP is the complement of H, copy the head of XP into the local domain of H. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACEMORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX DEVELOPMENT CHARTMORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX PDFMORPHOLOGY VS SYNTAXSYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY EXAMPLESSYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY GRAMMARSYNTAX MORPHOLOGY SEMANTICS The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences of TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984. DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI Deducing Improper Movement from Phase-Based C-to-T Phi Transfer: Feature-Splitting Internal Merge Miki Obata and Samuel David Epstein University of Michigan, Ann ArborFOSSSIL.IN
Object Moved This document may be found hereNOAM CHOMSKY (MIT)
4 It might be, then, that there is a basic asymmetry in the contribution to “language design” of the two interface systems: the primary contribution to the structure of FL THE POSSESSOR THAT STAYED CLOSE TO HOME (4) a. This man's shoe and that one ≠ shoe belonging to that man b. This man's shoe and that one's ≠ shoe worn by men Under a simple DP analysis (e.g. Abney 1987), one substitutes for NP, thus man's shoe in (3) forms a constituent (say NP) under the MP reading but does notform a
1 PURPOSE - FOSSSIL
3 (6) Head Movement Generalization Suppose a head H attracts a feature of XP as part of a movement operation. a. If XP is the complement of H, copy the head of XP into the local domain of H. DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE SYNTAX/MORPHOLOGY INTERFACEMORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX DEVELOPMENT CHARTMORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX PDFMORPHOLOGY VS SYNTAXSYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY EXAMPLESSYNTAX AND MORPHOLOGY GRAMMARSYNTAX MORPHOLOGY SEMANTICS The Syntax/Morphology Interface Draft of December 9, 2005 The theory of Distributed Morphology proposes an architecture of grammar in which a single generative system is responsible both for word structure andphrase structure.
PHASE THEORY AND PROSODIC SPELLOUT 1 Phase theory and prosodic spellout: The case of verbs Angelika Kratzer and Elisabeth Selkirk. University of Massachusetts Amherst In this paper we will explore the consequences of TWO MODALITIES OF CASE ASSIGNMENT: CASE IN SAKHA Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2010) 28: 593–642 DOI 10.1007/s11049-010-9105-1 Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha Mark C. Baker ·Nadya Vinokurova Received: 23 September 2008 / Accepted: 12 July 2009 / Published online: 23 July 2010 CHAPTER 3 DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY ANDALEC MARANTZ Chapter 3 Distributed Morphology and the Pieces of Inflection Morris Halle and Alec Marantz 1 Morphology with or without Affixes The last few years have seen the ON FEATURE INHERITANCE: AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE SQUIBS AND DISCUSSION 563 ON FEATURE INHERITANCE:AN ARGUMENT FROM THE PHASE IMPENETRABILITY CONDITION Marc D. Richards University of Cambridge Adriana Belletti and Luigi Rizzi, 11–62. Oxford: Oxford Uni-versity Press. Travis, Lisa. 1984. DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI Deducing Improper Movement from Phase-Based C-to-T Phi Transfer: Feature-Splitting Internal Merge Miki Obata and Samuel David Epstein University of Michigan, Ann ArborFOSSSIL.IN
Object Moved This document may be found hereINDEX_FOSSSIL
ABOUT Membership Governing Body Executive Committee. GOALS. LISSIM 1 LISSIM 2 LISSIM 3 LISSIM 4 LISSIM 5 LISSIM 6 LISSIM 7 LISSIM 8 LISSIM 9 LISSIM 10 LISSIM 11 REFERENCE TO INDIVIDUALS, PERSON, AND THE VARIETY OF 3 Next, I will use the general term denotation for any type of relation holding in an utterance between an expression (usually a phrase, e.g. an argument or a predicate: the man, a man, every man, no man, men, John, Man) and the entity or entities (individuals or properties, respectively) it stands for in the ontology of the C-Isystem.
LISSIM 5 - FOSSSIL
FOSSSIL announces the 5th LISSIM to take place in Kangra, May 25-June 8, 2011, surrounded by the Dhaula Dhar range of Himalayan mountains. The Summer School venue is ideal for communal living and learning, devoid of the usual distractions of a city, town or even a touristyhill station.
ESSAYS ANUMITRA LISSIM 6 LISSIM 6. June 1-15, 2012@ Kangra. Selected Essays (Non)veridical Bare Indefinites in Bangla Anumitra Ghosh-Dostidar, DU In a (non)veridical or even in a monotinicity paradigm Bare indefinites in Bangla will be defined as weak NPIs, which means they are non-veridical or downward entailing expressions. RESUPPOSITIONS AND LOCAL CONTEXTS 2 P. Schlenker Depending on the approach, context change is effected through semantic or pragmatic rules. In either case, a clause H evaluated in a context C gives rise to a new context, written as C (‘the update of C with the formula H’).If H is an elementary clause p which has no presupposition, C is always defined, and it is just the set of C-worlds that satisfy p.BOOK REVIEW
The thesis that meaning is a structural and internalist phenomenon lies at the heart of the book Mind design and Minimal Syntax by Wolfram Hinzen; the following quotation sufficiently demonstrates this: “ I will assume that writing up truth conditions for natural language sentences in some logical notation provides data for a theory of human language, while having no explanatory status: data DEDUCING IMPROPER MOVEMENT FROM PHASE-BASED C-TO-T PHI 2. The Logic of Feature-Splitting 2.1. Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) Feature Inheritance System In this section, we consider Chomsky’s (2007, 2008) feature inheritance system and its predictiveHAGIT BORER USC
1 Exo-skeletal vs. Endo-skeletal Explanations: Syntactic Projections and the Lexicon Hagit Borer USC 1. Introduction Within generative traditions, the dominant approach to the projection of COMPOUNDS: THE VIEW FROM HEBREW 1. INTRODUCTION Compounds: the View from Hebrew Hagit Borer University of Southern California 1. Introduction That Hebrew does have compounds is very clear, given the possible concatenation of two nouns, THE PIECES OF MORPHOLOGY Derivational Morphology in the Syntax: Productivity Issues. Reconstruction the Lexical Domain with a Single Generative Engine. Alec Marantz, MIT, marantz@mit.eduDetails
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